Reprint of MLPD Rote Fahne published January 15th:
https://www.rf-news.de/2026/kw03/iran-interview-marxist-leninist
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Rote Fahne: In recent years, we have seen mass protests and uprisings in Iran. How do these compare to the recent protests?
Interview Response: Thank you for the interview. It is a good opportunity for me to give a voice to the revolutionaries in Iran. As you know, Iran is ruled by an Islamic fascist government. From the very beginning, democratic rights and freedoms—such as the right to assemble, women’s rights, working-class trade union rights, and the basic rights of ethnic groups—have always been the main targets of this regime. This fact explains why democratic rights and freedoms have historically been at the forefront of struggles and have played a leading role in mass protests and uprisings.
For instance, in the most recent wave following the murder of Jina Amini, decades of suppressed democratic struggles erupted across the entire country. Women, youth, and oppressed social groups found an opportunity to take to the streets to protest against systematic oppression, discriminatory laws, and the denial of basic freedoms.
However, the current wave of uprisings is different. It was triggered by purely economic reasons—specifically, the drastic devaluation of the national currency. Of course, this was only the immediate trigger. Every uprising has a long history behind it, and this unbearable economic situation is deeply intertwined with years of democratic struggle and repression. But what distinguishes this moment is that democratic demands are no longer explicitly articulated. You hardly hear slogans demanding reforms, rights, or freedoms. Instead, the dominant and almost universal slogan is: “The Islamic regime must go.”
Today, we are witnessing people from the deepest layers of society—people who have nothing left to lose—taking to the streets. Their demands are radically economic, rooted in sheer survival. There is no future for them under the current economic conditions, and this reality pushes them into open confrontation with the regime. This makes the uprising extremely radical. People are prepared to risk their lives; they feel they have already lost everything. That is why there is real potential here for profound and radical change, far beyond what we have seen in previous protest movements.
Rote Fahne: What role does the working class play? What about militant forces in the past?
Interview Response: Until now, there have been some sporadic strikes, but no organised and visible presence of the working class as a unified force in the demonstrations. This does not mean, however, that the working class is absent. On the contrary, many of the people on the streets come from working-class backgrounds, and the entire dynamic of this new wave of uprisings revolves around worsening economic conditions, which have hit the working class hardest.
As I mentioned earlier, under the Islamic regime the right to assemble and to build independent trade unions has always been systematically denied. It also goes without saying that all revolutionary, leftist, communist, and Marxist-Leninist organisations were brutally eradicated in the early years after the regime came to power. Given this history of repression, one should not be surprised that the working class is unable to act as a unified class with clear organisational structures and articulated demands in the current uprisings.
This situation is not unique to the working class. Even petty-bourgeois sections of society, which have now become openly revolutionary in their opposition to the regime, face the same conditions. As a result, what we are witnessing is the mobilisation of largely unorganised masses taking to the streets—without stable organisations, clear political perspectives, or a unified direction. The absence of organised militant forces is therefore not a reflection of a lack of anger or revolutionary potential, but rather the outcome of decades of systematic repression and the destruction of independent political and class-based organisation. Here, at the same time, lies a ground to criticize Marxist-Leninists why they couldn’t develop proper tactics and strategy to develop their struggle and access to broad masses!
Rote Fahne: The bourgeois media often presents the Shah’s son as an alternative. The Western imperialists want him to be an alternative. What is the situation in Iran? What do you think?
Interview Response: Iran is a country of nearly 90 million people, so it is completely normal that different currents, movements, and political alternatives exist and claim a social base. In any major upheaval in Iran, Western imperialists will never remain passive; they intervene and attempt to manipulate developments in line with their own interests. In this context, the Shah’s son is being actively promoted by bourgeois and imperialist media as an alternative.
The Shah’s son mainly evokes nostalgia among sections of the petty bourgeoisie. By this, I am referring primarily to the lower strata of the petty bourgeoisie—largely lumpen layers of society. These were the same layers that acted as an active street army for Khomeini when he came to power. Even today, there are numerous reports showing that these lumpen elements attack other Iranian demonstrators—both inside and outside the country—with blades and other weapons when slogans are raised against both dictators, Khamenei and Pahlavi. Western imperialist media not only reflects these forces but actively amplifies them. That is why, in mainstream media, their voice often appears as the dominant or even the only one.
However, this media portrayal is not an accurate reflection of Iranian society. In reality, the dominant slogans among students, women, and oppressed ethnic groups have been clear and consistent: “Down with the oppressor, whether Supreme Leader or Shah.” Nearly all democratic movements inside Iran—including women’s associations, the vast majority of university students, underground trade unions, and organisations representing ethnic groups—have taken a clear and principled position against both the Islamic regime and the return of monarchy.
The problem is not a lack of opposition to the Shah’s son, but rather the lack of access to mainstream media. Also it is very crucial to bear in mind that they have the highly organised backing of international finance capital. In contrast, the Shah’s son, along with ultra-right and proto-fascist forces, enjoys disproportionate media exposure and political support from Western imperialist circles. This creates the illusion that he represents a broad social consensus.
That said, this does not mean the danger should be underestimated. Even with a relatively narrow social base, such forces—backed by imperialist media and capital—can attempt to redirect or derail the movement. This is a real risk. But it is crucial to understand that they do not represent the aspirations of the majority of those currently struggling on the streets of Iran.
Rote Fahne: What is the most important task for communists and revolutionaries?
Interview Response: At the current stage, there are two main camps shaping the demonstrations and protests. One camp aligns itself—openly or implicitly—with Western imperialists. Their perspective is that, with imperialist intervention, the Islamic Republic can be overthrown and replaced by a system resembling Western capitalist societies. The other camp consists of leftist, democratic, and progressive forces, who believe that only through the independent action of the people—by overthrowing both reactionaries and imperialists—can a genuinely emancipatory society be built.
There is a fierce struggle between these two camps. The Shah’s son and Western imperialist forces are highly organised, well funded, and backed by Western capital and media. In contrast, the progressive camp remains fragmented and largely disorganised. There are many small organisations, but so far we have not seen real progress toward unity.
We, as Marxist-Leninists, believe that if this new stage of the revolution is democratic in character, then our central task is to establish strong and practical connections among these dispersed organisations. The goal must be the formation of a nationwide committee or coordinating body that represents the interests and demands of all democratic forces—not only communists. A democratic revolution can only succeed if it unites all democratic voices: Marxist-Leninists, leftists, nationalists, women’s movements, ethnic groups, and other progressive forces.
In this context, the most immediate and concrete task in which all Marxist-Leninists can and must take the lead is to gather and organise all democratic, revolutionary, and progressive forces around two fundamental demands that define a democratic revolution: no to all reactionaries, no to all imperialists. On this basis, we must raise a clear alternative: let us build our country through the immense and creative power of the organised masses themselves.
Only by standing under a common banner against all fascist and reactionary forces—whether backed by US imperialism, Israel, or any other imperialist power—can the movement advance from spontaneous rebellion toward a conscious and victorious democratic revolution.
Rote Fahne: Similar to the united front policy adopted in other countries?
Interview Response: Yes, it is very similar to a united front model, with one crucial difference: we are already living under a fascist regime. This reality itself necessitates the building of a united front. Under such conditions, Marxist-Leninists must take the lead—not through declarations alone, but through convincing arguments and genuine efforts in practice that can win the trust of the masses.
Different sections of the petty bourgeoisie, along with workers, women, students, and oppressed ethnic groups, are all subjected to repression by the Islamic fascist regime. If you look closely at the progressive and leftist movements, you can already identify two spontaneous criteria that emerge from below and that can serve as the basis for unity. First, a clear and uncompromising rejection of the Islamic fascist regime—no to all fascist Islamic rule. This is the primary criterion that defines a movement as progressive. Second, a shared understanding that the future of the country must be free from imperialist intervention, whether from the Western or Eastern bloc.
Within the left itself, there is a sharp struggle over this second point. Some forces attempt to justify or defend Russia and China, while others believe that support from US imperialism could bring about positive change. Our task is to take a clear position to the broad masses: no to all imperialist intervention, without exception. Imperialism, in any form, is incompatible with genuine liberation.
The central goal of this united front must be the creation of a strong and independent camp capable of confronting the opposing camp, which is backed by US imperialism and represented politically by figures such as the Shah’s son. He is not merely an opposition to the Islamic regime; he is also an acute enemy of the broad masses. One of the immediate tasks of this future united front is therefore to raise mass awareness of this reality, with all its political implications.
Imperialists and their local puppets can never be allies of the people. Exposing this truth and organising around it is essential if the united front is to become a real force capable of leading the struggle toward a democratic and genuinely emancipatory outcome. Only after we successfully create this popular united front does the correct opportunity appear for us to bring up and develop socialist strategies for it.
Rote Fahne: What about the role of Russia and China? How are they seen?
Interview Response: Russia and China are two major imperialist powers that actively support the Islamic regime. This is widely recognised by the masses, and as a result, there is deep hostility toward both states. People clearly see their role in defending and stabilising the Islamic regime. However, this opposition does not stem from a developed or organised anti-imperialist consciousness. It is largely spontaneous and reactive.
At the same time, many layers of society do not hold the same critical view toward Western imperialists. There is a widespread illusion that the EU—or even the United States—could become reliable or progressive allies in the struggle against the Islamic regime. This confusion is dangerous. Part of the central task that Marxist-Leninists must fulfil is to clarify not only the imperialist role of Russia and China, but also the future role Western imperialists are preparing for themselves—particularly in defending and promoting figures such as the Shah’s son.
Raising genuine anti-imperialist consciousness is therefore one of the core responsibilities of Marxist-Leninists and of the future popular united front. The masses must be able to identify imperialist interests and mechanisms inherent in all major powers, whether Eastern or Western. Imperialism does not become progressive simply because it opposes another imperialist bloc.
In this regard, recent experiences such as Venezuela should serve as a clear warning—especially to those so-called leftists who maintain the illusion that Russian or Chinese imperialism can somehow protect the future of Iran while opposing US imperialism. One imperialist camp cannot be a solution to another. Without a principled and independent anti-imperialist line, any revolution risks being hijacked and redirected against the interests of the masses themselves
Rote Fahne: What is your message and how can international communists support this movement?
Interview Response: First of all, international communist organisations should not limit their focus solely to explicitly leftist forces. They must also reflect, defend, and amplify the voices of all democratic forces struggling on the ground. This is what the current democratic movement in Iran urgently needs. A democratic revolution cannot succeed if it speaks only in the name of the working class in isolation; it must actively support and unite all revolutionary, democratic, and progressive forces that are confronting the regime in the streets.
In this context, I believe that the most immediate and concrete task international communist movements can fulfil is to propagate two central slogans that at the same time define the democratic character of our revolution: no to all reactionaries, no to all imperialists. These principles draw a clear line against both the Islamic regime and any imperialist or proxy alternatives imposed from outside.
International communists should consistently defend the idea that it is the people themselves who must decide their democratic future—free from imperialist intervention and reactionary domination. The Iranian people, especially after enduring two brutal and draconian regimes—the Pahlavi monarchy and the Islamic regime—truly deserve a democratic society. Standing firmly on this basis is the most meaningful and principled way international communists can support this movement.